Albania and Montenegro are two neighboring Balkan countries with different political histories and cultures, but both have an electoral system that has evolved in different ways and has had a direct impact on the level of democracy and political representation in each country. But first, I think we should be clear that there is no ideal electoral system, but the will of political parties that the system they choose guarantees meritocracy, justice, representation and inclusiveness is very important, especially the will of the majority as the largest party in parliament.

Unlike post-communist Albania, which has an electoral history that dates back to the 90s and has gone through numerous changes in electoral systems, Montenegro's modern independence began in 2006. However, although new, this short period has not prevented Montenegro from demonstrating at times a higher level of democracy and electoral organization.

Over the decades, Albania has changed its electoral system several times, moving from a majoritarian system to a mixed system and then to a proportional system. Since 2005, the proportional system has undergone various transformations, starting with closed regional proportional, then proportional with fractional fractions in 2021 and, finally, proportional with closed and open lists at the same time. These changes have had an impact on political stability and on the possibility of small parties to obtain representation, while in Montenegro, since 2006, the electoral system has remained proportional with closed lists, with minor legal changes and modifications that have not affected its essence. Although

proposals for open lists or preferential voting between candidates on a list, the structure of the system has remained unchanged, providing a stability that is lacking in Albania.

What are the elements that make the electoral system more democratic in Montenegro, which we can add to the Electoral Code in Albania?

Although both countries use proportional representation and the D'Hondt formula for allocating seats, there are notable elements that make Montenegro's system more democratic and that could serve as an example for Albania. Unlike Albania, which has a regional proportional representation system with 12 districts, which creates an imbalance between votes and seats, making it more difficult for small parties to secure representation, Montenegro has a national proportional representation system, where candidates compete in a single electoral district and where votes have the same weight throughout the territory. This allows the vote to have equal weight across the country and significantly increases the chances of small parties being represented.

In Albania, regional distribution changes the number of seats for each district and the number of votes needed for a seat, making it more difficult for small parties to reach the quota required to win a seat. According to the D'Hondt formula, seats are distributed by selecting the highest values ​​of the distribution until all seats are filled, which in practice penalizes the representation of small parties and favors the two largest parties. This does not happen in Montenegro, where the vote of each citizen has the same weight throughout the territory and small parties have a real opportunity to be represented, because in a national system it is easier to reach the minimum quota required for a representative seat.

This mechanism has a direct impact on the level of democracy, because it increases the necessity of creating coalitions and inclusive governments due to multipolarity, making it impossible for a single party to govern without taking into account the interests of the rest of the political spectrum. This increases inter-party dialogue and negotiations and often results in more accountable and connected governments with voters. Meanwhile, in Albania, the system has favored large parties and has created the possibility for a political force to govern for long terms, even in conditions of political incompatibility and numerous scandals. The current government is exercising its fourth mandate and claims to obtain a fifth, while most small parties are effectively out of their electoral function and the competition has become unequal for the opposition.

Minorities and Coalitions
Another element that makes the Montenegrin system more democratic is the care for minorities and ensuring their representation in the Assembly through a lower electoral threshold (from the standard 3% to 0.7%). This guarantees that different communities have a voice and influence in decision-making. Meanwhile, in Albania, the electoral threshold does not change for minorities, often causing these communities to remain unrepresented and removed from the political process. Also, small parties representing minorities find it easier to capitalize on their votes in mandates due to the national proportional system and to become part of coalitions as political parties; unlike Albania, where coalitions, due to the Electoral Code, are made by mandatorily integrating candidates from all coalition forces within a single electoral list. This is another key difference between the two countries and a clear example of how electoral structures affect the level of democracy and representation.

Although the political situation in Montenegro is not without challenges and has its own complexities due to political history and geopolitical dualism, in terms of elections and representation

voters, its system is a step ahead of Albania. By having a national proportional system, enabling fair representation of small parties and minorities and creating the need for inclusive coalitions, Montenegro has managed to create a mechanism that increases government accountability, transparency and legitimacy of political decision-making. This is an element that Albania can take as an example to increase the level of democracy and political representation in the country.