The question I want to pose at the beginning of the day for all Mirdita residents and not only, is existential for us: Will we let Mirdita fall into a “free state”, or will we find the courage to revitalize it? The figures are ruthless. Of the 61.320 inhabitants that Mirdita had in 1990, today, according to the last Census, only about 13.600 remain. A loss of more than 78 percent of the population within a single generation. If this is not an emergency, then who can tell me what is?
I believe that the territorial administrative reform, which is being projected, can be a powerful tool to stop this demographic hemorrhage, but only if it is based on sound principles and not on occult table agreements. Meanwhile, there are chances and rumors that this reform will mean the disappearance of Mirdita from the map. Let us remember that the key words that refer to territorial reform in the Constitution and the European Charter of Local Self-Government are: decentralization of power, local autonomy and respect for the criteria of economic development, historical ties and the opinion of the population. These are not empty phrases; they are the foundations on which any new territorial division must be built.
Ultimately, local governance is essentially the need for the community to organize itself in such a way as to jointly administer certain issues of common interest and to enable the most effective provision of services from the central government. The construction of local units is subject to several principles and criteria related to demography and its dynamics, geographical, social and historical cohesion. Each of these principles has its own weight and is necessary to build a healthy community coexistence.
The drastic decline in the population imposes the existence of the local unit with a territorial expansion towards the so-called “historical Mirdita”. And this is not nostalgia, although as such it would be good, but it is the need to increase social cohesion, as a development factor. It includes many areas that were artificially separated during the divisions of the communist period and that continue to suffer from a lack of cohesion. Just as Albania borders only with Albanians, unfortunately Mirdita is the only municipality that borders only with Mirdita residents. Therefore, I propose that the annexation of territories such as Ulëza, Krejë Lura, Gjazuj, Kashnjeti, Ungrej, Fregen, Pllana, Gjegjani, etc., to Mirdita be seriously considered.
The existence of social cohesion of these areas with Mirdita makes this reunion necessary. Blood ties, marriages, dialect, customs, everything connects these areas with Mirdita. The 100 percent Catholic faith of this region and the territories proposed for expansion is a unique case in all of Albania and constitutes the foundation of social cohesion. But if common history, geography and territory are important conditions and criteria; social cohesion is a prerequisite for the self-government of a local unit. On the other hand, all these areas share the same territory with Mirdita. The distance from the main urban center, Rrëshen, is smaller than the distances they currently have with the current urban centers. Meanwhile, the permeability of the road network is at a good level and facilitates the receipt of services in the main urban center. Some of them, such as Gjazuj and Kashnjeti, are mentioned in the earliest documents as settlements of Mirdita tribes.
In terms of geographical cohesion, these areas are located almost within the same hydrographic valley, of the Fani rivers and are connected by road axes that naturally emerge in Rubik and Rrëshen. In terms of historical cohesion; these territories have been part of the same autonomous province for centuries and have been self-governing even when Albania did not have a state. The administrative and territorial organization of Mirdita has been tested for more than 500 years and has proven effective for its time. Its division has been a political act, not a functional necessity. When we judge Mirdita, we must bear in mind that it is not simply an administrative unit. It constitutes a cultural and historical unity, unique in the entire history of Albania, it is a monument that must be preserved and protected at all costs. The very thought of alienating it would be a criminal act against the history and culture of Albania.
Although I am sure that the merger of several administrative units as above may not bring any financial benefit to the Mirditë municipality due to the economic situation they are in, I am equally sure that the main benefit will be ensuring social cohesion of the residents of these areas.
The further reorganization of Mirdita should consider technological developments and, in respect of the principle of subsidiarity, I think that the number of administrative units should also be reduced, and Mirdita can have no more than three such units.
The second part of my proposal is related to the reorganization of local government. Currently, local government in Albania is organized at two levels: Municipality/Region. Although I have worked in the central public administration for a long time, I still do not understand the role of the region in local government. The region as a unit of local government is a constitutional subject and is defined as “the unit where regional policies are developed and implemented and where they are harmonized with state policy”.
The legal framework, but also the performance of these structures speak of an extremely weak and inefficient activity of the regional structure. The functions and responsibilities of the regional are evasive and do not encourage responsibility and accountability. I have read some of the performance reports of the regions, the Law on Local Self-Government and it turns out that their activity is weak, almost non-existent, which leads me to the conclusion that the Region is a rudimentary body, an ugly copy borrowed in a template way from foreign legislation. Their current activity is reduced to the commitment to implement some project financed by donors and no concrete activity is evidenced in the implementation of their constitutional function.
In the law on local self-government, the sources of financing for the region's activities, in addition to government transfers and contributions from municipalities, are also local taxes. In none of the laws, both on local government finances and on local taxes, does the region have any dedicated tax, remaining entirely dependent on municipalities and government transfers and thus becoming an additional cost for the latter.
From the experience of the countries in the region (North Macedonia, Kosovo, Montenegro, Slovenia, etc.) it results that local government, due to the small number of population, is built with only one level; municipality/central government; excluding Serbia, which has a so-called intermediary structure (okrug), which in reality has no function, or something worse than the qark in our country.
I believe that Albania needs a system with a single level of government, strong municipalities that communicate directly with the Central Government. But in contrast to this idea, I have also heard the idea of regions being articulated, aiming for the second level of local government in 4-6 regions. In my view, this is an even worse idea than the counties, completely templated and borrowed from experience that have no resemblance to our country and the real functions of local government. The function of coordinating regional policies between municipalities and the central government or between municipalities themselves can be performed by prefectures and associations of municipalities, which should be supported and strengthened.
The abolition of districts is a difficult exercise, due to the fact that they are constitutional entities and require intervention in the fundamental law. However, I believe that this should not hinder our efforts for effective local government structures.
Territorial reform is also linked to strengthening the managerial capacities of local government units. In this context, the third proposal is related to the decentralization of services, especially educational and medical ones. Today, regional schools and hospitals are managed by the central government, but their problems are local; a leaking roof, a missing doctor, a bus that does not come, etc. I propose a further redistribution of functions between the central and local government: the methodological/technical function (curricula, standards) should remain with the Central Government, while the administration and supervision function (maintenance, personnel, operating funds) should be transferred to the Municipality. This would strengthen the role of the municipality but I am sure that it would also significantly improve these services.
And we cannot talk about managerial capacities without talking about financial resources. Here is my last proposal related to the deepening of fiscal decentralization. If we want Mirdita to develop, it needs its own, predictable and sustainable income. I propose that the central government share with the municipalities some taxes that are currently entirely national.
First, personal income tax: a percentage of it, say 10 percent, should remain with the municipality where the individual works and lives. This creates a direct link between local economic growth and the municipal budget.
Secondly, the fuel tax: a portion of it should be returned to municipalities in proportion to the road axes located in their territory, to finance road maintenance and compensate for pollution.
Third, carbon taxes and other environmental taxes are related to local impact, so a part of them should remain at the local level. Similarly, taxes on the use of natural resources such as water, mineral rents, forests, etc. the municipality should further increase the level of participation. This will strengthen the activity of municipalities and significantly reduce the need for transfers from the national budget.
All these proposals such as; territorial expansion, reorganization at one level of government, decentralization of services and taxes, are closely linked like the links of a chain. You cannot have strong municipalities without competencies; you cannot have competencies without resources and you cannot have resources without a stable and cohesive territory. Thus, such an administrative-territorial reform based on these proposals will create a stronger Mirdita in terms of resources and opportunities for development projects that will improve the lives of Mirdita residents.
But for the realization of these proposals, there is another requirement, equally important, that we must never forget: the opinion of the local population is decisive. The Constitution and the European Charter of Local Self-Government expressly require it. No territorial reform can be imposed from above, without hearing the voice of those who will be affected. Therefore, I believe that our task does not end with this round table. It is necessary to organize public meetings and consultations, where we explain to people what it means to be part of Mirdita, not only in map or history, but in services, in investments, in identity. And then, with these requirements in hand, to lobby the deputies, the ministries, the Committee for Territorial Reform in the Assembly.
This is not an easy task. There will be opposition from neighboring municipalities that will lose territories. There will be inertia from the central government, which often views any change with skepticism. But if we do not do this work, no one will do it for the people of Mirdita. Mirdita will not grow by itself. The demographic decline will not be stopped by a decree but by making Mirdita attractive not only for the people of Mirdita.
I also know that changing administrative borders is a long and difficult process. But I am convinced that if we stand together, if we argue with facts and not emotions, if we respect the principles of social, geographical, and historical cohesion, we can succeed.
Let us see this reform not as a threat, but as an opportunity. An opportunity to restore what was artificially divided. An opportunity to give our children a reason to stay, not to run away. An opportunity to turn Mirdita from a region in free fall into a center of development in northern Albania. Let us draft a concrete proposal together, sign it, and send it where it needs to be. Let us show that Mirdita is not just a name on the map, but a living community, seeking to take its destiny into its own hands.
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