The news from Kosovo in the last few hours is sad, regarding the results of the candidates in the general elections. Many scandalous embezzlements and anomalies among the candidates. The myth of model elections now belongs to the pure history of Kosovo. The great public hope was that after the many months of blockage of the non-functioning of the parliament, the electoral process of late December would be concluded quickly and that Kosovo would have a constituted Assembly, at least by the end of January.

But, while previously the CEC decided that in 10 municipalities (Dragash, Kaçanik, Leposaviq, Prizren, Skenderaj, Shtime, Ferizaj, Vushtrri, Mamushë and Ranilug) 100 percent of the polling stations should be recounted and in the other 28 only 10%, now they must also be recounted 100%. The deviation is not in the votes of the subjects but in the deputies. An invisible hand tried, but let's stay away from conspiracy, has favored the stagnation and has even chosen the characters.

The reason why there are paradoxical discrepancies with some candidates like Fetah Paçarizi and Nait Hasani, from the Democratic Party of Kosovo, who result in thousands of votes more than they were entitled to during the initial count! Not including the others. Even though people talk about the process, they have already forgotten the sublime act of voting, just because Kosovo, whether from the mouth of Kurti, but also from his predecessors, was interpreted as a Kosovar model of electoral democracy. The deviations to Vetëvendosje, but the appropriation of votes especially by PDK and others, even though it is being said that it is an internal machination, in fact reveal the signs of a deep democratic crisis.

Invisible, but it is already embedded in the fragile state of Kosovo, as there are suspicions of interference at the national level. In the end, this deviated "procedural scheme" will essentially lead to the blocking and new extension of institutional creations. It is too little to say what the delays will mean in Kosovo, whether for the salaries of ordinary employees from the budget, but also the documents that must be ratified to receive the fund that belongs to Kosovo from the Skopje Summit. Tirana, Belgrade and Skopje are moving quickly to adapt them to projects in their economy. We are not mentioning the millions that are lost every day without institutions. Public concern was proven and will now be passed to a general recount because the deformation of the vote is obvious. Not in vain, the coalition of organizations that monitored the electoral process in Kosovo, Democracy in Action (DnV) together with most of the major Albanian parties in Kosovo, insisted on reversing the process, after surprisingly large differences in the votes for candidates for deputies were seen during the recount. The theft occurred through the parties themselves and this is truly worrying. Among others, the leader of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, Ramush Haradinaj, reacted sharply after the partial recount of the candidates' votes, claiming that the process had revealed a scheme of manipulation of worrying proportions against the citizen's vote. Similarly, the leader of the Democratic Party of Kosovo, Bedri Hamza, described the discrepancies discovered during the partial recount of votes as "extremely worrying", even though his party is plagued by problems. And, likewise, Lumir Abdixhiku, the leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo, who is in the process of resigning, is being accepted by the party!

In fact, the concern about the elections in Kosovo has come, because for years or with the fading of the foreign presence, the spaces of democracy and the legs of the Kosovo state to bear this burden have narrowed. Democratic problems are encountered at every moment. Kosovo in the first steps of state formation is being remembered more for successive crises. They started in 2010 with the Decision on Fatmir Sejdiu and the overthrow of the Government at that time, when the Constitutional Court found that the then President, Fatmir Sejdiu, violated the Constitution because he was at the same time also the president of the Democratic League of Kosovo! A few months later, Kosovo would face in 2011 the case of the President of 36 days. Behgjet Pacolli, the president of the AKR, was elected president of the country, in a contested session, without the presence of the opposition and with dubious procedures. The Constitutional Court ruled that Pacolli's election was unconstitutional. But what happened in 2014 was more than worrying, when a post-election coalition named VLAN (VV, LDK, AAK, Nisma) challenged the winning party of the 2014 elections, Hashim Thaçi's PDK.

He even managed to create institutions without him. They managed to elect Isa Mustafa of the LDK as Speaker of the Assembly. The PDK appealed to the Constitutional Court and found justification that the exclusive right to propose the Speaker of the Assembly and the right to have the mandate for the government for the first time blocked the VLAN and formed a governing coalition between the PDK and the LDK, with Isa Mustafa as Prime Minister. The years 2025-2017 will be remembered for Tear Gas, Demarcation and Association. The opposition led by Albin Kurti used tear gas in the Assembly hall to prevent agreements on Demarcation with Montenegro and on the Association of Serb-Majority Municipalities. Only the chronicles of that time will show the crowd and horror of the parliament hall in Kosovo that were made impossible by the VV. In 2020, the clash between VV and LDK continued, reached after the elections of October 6, 2019. The Kurti government was overthrown by a no-confidence motion from its coalition partner, just 50 days after taking office. After that, the LDK formed a new government with several opposition parties, AK and NISMA, added to those of the communities, but without new elections.

It was VV's turn to challenge this action in the Constitutional Court. In December 2021, the Court ruled that the vote of a suspended MP was valid for the formation of the Hoti Government and led the country back to early elections. And here we are today. The year 2025 will be remembered for the months-long Blockade in the Assembly, after VV insisted in dozens of sessions that Albulena Haxhiu be elected Speaker of the Assembly. The solution was not found even after the Constitutional Court's verdict. And, we have reached the crisis of the moment, when Kosovo must recount all the candidates' votes, because the theft has already occurred between the parties themselves and their commissioners, unimaginable culprits due to the number of diverted votes. Kosovo is constantly in the interpretations of processes and vacuums, not simply because new democracies in Eastern Europe face challenges, but because in the case of Kosovo they do not yet understand the difficulty and conjunctures of maintaining Kosovo.

The misfortune is from the mentality of theft (electoral structures, which have made the election of deputies a life test!), which will not be aware of the fact that the Kosovar voter has become like Sisyphus, voting, voting and voting again endlessly. The concern is not simply with the criminal act itself of the diversion and appropriation of the vote, but with the environment of institutional tolerance that is making it possible. But also with the political culture to necessarily be a deputy. We hope that Kosovo will have the necessary maturity to overcome it, but it seems that the problem is anthropological and political like Tirana's with the counting. The voter casts his vote, but his vote in a democracy is diverted to people who do not represent him, because that is how someone wants it... who does not appear. That is why the legislatures of Kosovo and Albania are at that level of representation. It seems that Stalin's lesson is their motto: "Those who vote do not decide anything. Those who count the votes are the ones who decide everything." (Homo Albanicus)