The failure to elect a new head of state in Kosovo has added to the country’s institutional instability this year, prompting new parliamentary elections after a lost year in 2025. And this instability could deepen in the absence of clear candidates for the presidency, and the unwillingness of political parties to make concessions. Despite not being directly elected by citizens, could the appointment of a new president be facilitated if the parties each present a candidate before the June 7 snap elections?
Which parties have nominated candidates for president?
Only the opposition Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) has announced that the head of its electoral list, Vjosa Osmani, will be its presidential candidate as part of a pre-election cooperation. Osmani is seeking a second term as head of state after failing to run for re-election in April. Other major parties, such as the ruling Vetëvendosje Movement (LVV) and the main opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), have not nominated candidates. While parties are not required to nominate a presidential candidate before the elections, they should at least commit to the characteristics of the presidential candidate's profile, or the principles that would guide them in reaching a political consensus, says Agon Maliqi, an expert on political issues in Kosovo.
"They should clearly explain the circumstances under which they would agree to a president, and what characteristics that president should have, in order to avoid another election. Based on this commitment, they can then be held accountable after the election," Maliqi told Radon Free Europe (REL). In practice, this would mean more political transparency before the election and less improvisation after it.
Why LDK yes, and other parties no?
Neither the ruling party of the incumbent Prime Minister, Albin Kurti, nor the PDK responded to REL's questions about whether they will announce any of their candidates for the next president of Kosovo. Maliqi believes that the LDK presented a candidate due to the "specific circumstances" of former President Osmani, while the other parties are not doing so because they do not have a clear candidate, nor do they feel the urgency to do so now. "I think that the LDK has done so, probably, out of the belief that the narrative of its victimization by Kurti can arouse emotions in a type of voter, who in December voted for the LVV because of the Kurti-Osmani binomial, and not only for Kurti," Maliqi explains.
Even if there were candidacies now, according to Maliq, they could seem “artificial.” He argues that especially when it comes to the presidency – if not other positions – there will need to be concessions between parties. Because the election of the president in Kosovo is rarely a process that is decided by the electoral result – it usually requires political agreements, compromises and concessions between parties. This is precisely where the main problem lies: the parties are entering the elections without any minimal agreement on the post that could determine the country’s institutional stability for the coming years.
A process that requires compromise
Kosovo has suffered from a lack of compromise between parties in recent years, and electing a president at this time seems no easy task. The country lost the entire year of 2025 due to the failure to establish first the Assembly, and then the Government, due to the lack of consensus – and elections are being held again within a short time, due to disagreements over the president, with no guarantee of what will happen. The LVV, in power since 2021, is again seen as the favorite to win the elections, but it is not expected to take 80 seats in the 120-seat Assembly on its own.
For the vote for the president of Kosovo to be valid, the presence of 2/3 of all deputies in the Assembly is required. Ehat Miftaraj, from the Kosovo Institute for Justice, tells Radio Free Europe that Kosovo is lacking a genuine political debate between the ruling and opposition parties on strategic state topics, including the issue of the president. “In this regard, the election of the president in Kosovo should be seen as a process that requires political communication, democratic compromise, and transparency towards the public, and not as an issue that is addressed through wish lists or imposition,” Miftaraj emphasizes.
For all the institutional crises within a year and a half, the ruling party and the opposition have blamed each other. In the end, the next president may not be determined by the names that the parties announce before the elections, but by their willingness to compromise when faced with the parliamentary reality after June 7. Until the election of the president, the function will continue to be exercised by Albulena Haxhiu, whose six-month term lasts until October at the latest. Thank you for reading this newsletter! If you liked it, we invite you to share it with others. (They can subscribe for free here to receive every issue of our newsletter).
