By DASHNOR KALOÇI

The events of the spring of 1981 in Kosovo, which began at the beginning of March with protests and demonstrations by student youth and then the people of Kosovo, who rose up to demand their legal freedoms and rights, as well as the status of the republic, just as all other peoples and ethnicities that were then in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had and enjoyed, led by the Bosniak Cvijetin Mijatović (Chairman of the Presidency, May 1980, May 1981), as is now known, had a harsh reaction from official Belgrade. The high leadership of Serbia at that time, headed by Prime Minister Ivan Stambolic (Chairman of the Executive Council of the Socialist Republic of Serbia), on which the Autonomous Socialist Province of Kosovo depended at the time, sent armored forces there and violently suppressed those protests, not only with police forces, but also by bringing the army and tanks into the streets and squares of Pristina and other cities where those peaceful protests took place, where during all those days (March 11 - April 11, 1981), there were a total of 12 victims.

These events, which became headline news in all world media, as well as the public reaction of official Tirana, are now very well known from dozens of articles and archival documents that have been published mainly after the 90s, but what still remains a great enigma and has not been made known to this day is; how did the leader of communist Albania, Enver Hoxha, initially react to those events, what was his first impact on what was happening in Kosovo, and what steps did official Tirana then take to come to the aid of its compatriots in the Autonomous Socialist Province of Kosovo? Did Enver Hoxha stick to what he had said in 1970, that Fadil Hoxha and the senior leadership of Kosovo were doing very well to be against Kosovo being granted the status of a Republic within the framework of the Yugoslav Federation, or had he changed his mind and his position?!

Regarding these etc., we are introduced to some archival documents located in the Central State Archives (the personal fund of Enver Halil Hoxha) which have been unknown until today and will be published for the first time and in several issues by Memorie.al. From the documents in question, it is noted that since March 4, 1981, (when the spontaneous protests of student youth in Pristina first began), until April 3, when Enver Hoxha held a working meeting with Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu and Ramiz Ali on the events in Kosovo, that is, for a month in a row, there has been complete silence and no meeting of the Political Bureau or the secretariat of the Central Committee of the Albanian People's Party has been held, that is, no reaction from the senior leadership of the Albanian People's Party and official Tirana

Likewise, what is noticeable in these documents is the panic that has seized the main leader of communist Albania, Enver Hoxha, who has been ambivalent and undecided about the stance that official Tirana should take on the events in Kosovo, so much so that in another conversation in the Party House on April 5, 1981 with "leadership comrades" (Mehmet Shehu, Adil Çarçani, Hekuran Isai, Kadri Hazbiu, Pali Miska, Spiro Koleka, Rita Marko, Pilo Peristeri, Simon Stefani and Qiriako Mihali, Nedin Hoxha and Behar Shtylla), where they went for coffee, or to play cards, billiards, etc., Enver asks them: "What do you think about the recent events in Kosovo and what should we do? Should we take a stance and be concerned, or not?" Likewise, during another short conversation that Enver Hoxha had in his office with Ramiz Ali about a month later (on May 13, 1981), he told him: "It seems to me that our subordinates should also think about the events in Kosovo and not expect them to think only about me"!

Regarding these etc., we are familiar with these archival documents which belong to the period April-June 1981, where Enver Hoxha held several conversations and meetings, both with his two closest associates (Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu and the Secretary of the Central Committee, Ramiz Alia), as well as with the Political Bureau and the Secretariat of the Central Committee, which are published for the first time and with the relevant facsimiles by Memorie.al.

Continues from the previous issue

MINUTES OF THE CONVERSATION BETWEEN ENVER HOXHA AND RAMIZ ALIN, HELD IN HIS OFFICE ON MAY 13, 1981, REGARDING THE EVENTS THAT OCCURRED IN THE SOCIALIST AUTONOMOUS PROVINCE OF KOSOVO

BRIEF MEETING IN COMRADE ENVER'S OFFICE ON WEDNESDAY, MAY 13, 1981, WITH COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: As I have written in this material, it seems to me that our subordinates should also think about events and not expect them to think only about me.

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: That's right, that's right, Comrade Enver.

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: I have a question about the statement that Dushan Ristic made last night. Now the Kosovo Provincial Assembly can say that they will cut off cultural, scientific and educational relations with Albania.

Then, in the created conditions, we too must prepare to broadcast all the programs signed with official protocols with Kosovo through Radio and Television. But is anything being done in this direction by the government?

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: No, nothing has been done yet.

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: It is known that the government has not done anything yet, but I am concerned about the preparation of lectures and other materials, with which we were committed to helping in the development of education and culture in Kosovo. In this regard, work must begin without delay, because preparation cannot be done in one day.

Then there is the other issue, both in terms of what others say about us, especially in terms of the articles we publish, and in terms of the acts that the Titoists are carrying out in Kosovo. They are now firing professors and teachers, especially those who do not speak out against the patriots and workers who stood up in demonstrations and about other things they are thinking of doing in terms of education, culture, students, etc.

These positions should all be well highlighted by our press, because in this way we prepare international opinion for the anti-Albanian actions of the Titoites. The facts that we will highlight will come as a complement to those we raise in our articles.

We find that many people in the world, many diplomats tell us that these issues that we are addressing in our press and propaganda, they are learning about for the first time. In addition, we, based on Tanjug's data, help the Belgrade revisionists unmask themselves.

Therefore, let's better mobilize our press and propaganda workers, so that they work with their heads and not only when we suggest, let's draw their attention to reflect more deeply on events, let's get them to suggest to us what we should do.

Even without waiting for the publication of our article, they should have suggested to us that in the press, our Radio and Television, we point out everything that the Yugoslavs say about us, how and why they accuse us. We should reflect these in the press as they are, without comment, because the comment will then be made later.

This path is also being followed by our enemies, the Yugoslav revisionists. They inform their people about events that they think are in their favor, so we should also inform our people about the actions they are taking against Albanians in Kosovo, etc.

Likewise, 'Tanjug' previously made a summary of our article, then gave these others. We should do the same. Of course, the articles we publish have their own effect, but the point is that, before we respond to them, we must prepare the ground in time, so that our internal and international opinion is well and correctly informed about every action of the Titoites.

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: Yes, that's right, that's right, we also need to prepare and that's what we will do, Comrade Enver.

MINUTES OF THE MEETING OF ENVER HOXHA WITH RAMIZ ALINĂ IN HIS OFFICE ON JUNE 4, 1981, REGARDING AN ARTICLE TO BE PUBLISHED IN “ZERI I POPULLIT”, AGAINST THE ACCUSATIONS OF BELGRADE

CONVERSATION BETWEEN COMRADE ENVER AND COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA IN HIS OFFICE ON JUNE 4, 1981 IN CONNECTION WITH THE PREPARATION OF A THEORETICAL-HISTORICAL ARTICLE IN STRONG POLEMIC FORMS AGAINST THE BASELESS ATTACKS MADE ON US BY THE FURIOUS CHAUVINISTS OF BELGRADE

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: I gave Haxhiu some other theses, with which I think we should prepare an article against the Bulgarian revisionists. As I say in the theses, the main goal, and without directly addressing the Yugoslavs, is to tell them that Albanian lands have been included in Macedonia, where a large Albanian population lives. This is the idea that will be thrown out by attacking the Bulgarians for the map they have published on the occasion of the anniversary of the Treaty of St. Stephen. According to this map, the Bulgarians extend their borders to the Adriatic.

In the article we will attack this publication and point out that, from the point of view of ethnicity, in Macedonia, whether it can be called Aegean, or Vardar, or simple Macedonia, there are Albanian lands and populations and clearly define the boundaries within which territory this population lives. I put the title in the theses: “Dangerous games with maps”.

It is not the first time, I say there, that the Bulgarians have issued such publications. They once again, in 1960, printed a map where they included all of Albania within the borders of Yugoslavia. This was a gift that was given to Tito at the time. On this map, Albania appeared as the seventh republic of Yugoslavia.

In the theses that you will receive, it is written in which documents our interventions for these actions appear, such as my speech before the representatives of 81 parties in 1960 in Moscow, then also a special note that was addressed to the Bulgarian Government. Yes, as I saw these days, the speech that I gave before the representatives of 81 parties in 1960 in Moscow, is stronger.

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: It is a very good document.

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: There is also talk about the event in Sremka-Mitrovica.

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: Are you talking about the speech that was held in this place, where the Soviet ambassador was also present?

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Yes. And on this occasion we have made a strict protest. I think this event should be used in the article that we will publish against the Serbian-Soviet conspiracy, to use the strongest phrases that were used there against the Soviet ambassador and the military attaché.

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: In which one, in Sremka-Mitrovica?

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Yes, in the one of Sremka-Mitrovica. It was said there that; “Albania is surrounded by barbed wire, where the boot of the border guard rules…” and the Soviet ambassador and the military attaché who participated in this event, listened to it with the greatest seriousness, in other words they approved it, thus publicly supported the theses of the executioner Rankovic. This is one.

As for the articles that you told me will be prepared by Aleks Buda, they are good and can be published, but, as I see, it seems that the events that are taking place are not being properly paid attention to abroad. A few days ago I read the article prepared by a group of professors that seemed good to me. I also read the article by Ismail Kadare, which was even better, however, I find that these have not been echoed by the international press, a "fatigue" is noticeable on his part, it even seems as if he wants to leave the impression that he has talked a lot about the tragic events that have occurred in Kosovo. Although, as I am looking at our latest materials, there may still be comments.

COMRADE RAMIZ ALIA: Last night, Reuters reported on our latest article, Comrade Enver, but it was a very small thing.

COMRADE ENVER HOXHA: Yes, yes, Reuters gave a very small thing, it did not touch on the essence of the issue. But why does the world press maintain this position? In general, there is a downward trend in the world press in its treatment of the events in Kosovo, because the West aims to protect Yugoslavia, however, you can see clearly that the policy pursued by the Yugoslavs has no basis. Diplomatic circles approve our positions, they do not echo the events in Kosovo in the press and we notice that, as time goes by, the world press is talking less and less about them.

The situation is different on the Yugoslav side, they talk and will talk more. Their tendency is to attack us from all sides, whether the world press writes about these events or not. The attacks they make against Kosovo and the People's Socialist Republic of Albania are mainly for their own internal opinion, but as much as possible also for the outside world, because the more their word spreads, let it be heard, they think, it is good, whoever believes, let him believe, and even those who do not believe, something will still remain in their minds from the great propaganda they are doing.

Now it seems to me that it is time that we should use historical facts for polemics. Therefore, after preparing all these articles that we have in our hands, I think we should write another long article, so that it will not be printed immediately after these, but in time. In this article, let us begin to explain theoretically what “irredentism” means, what “nationalism” means, and what “chauvinism” means.

First, let's explain how these are understood in Yugoslavia and how they are understood in Albania, in "small" Albania or in "great" Albania, what are the reasons for their birth, where do they have their bases, let's take stock of where the most pronounced "chauvinism" or "nationalism" existed, among the Serbian people, in the Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian Kingdom and in the Tito regime, or among the Albanians living in Yugoslavia and then in the People's Socialist Republic of Albania?/ Memorie.al