Part Eighteen

Memorie.al / The CIA has shown the great role that the Soviet Union had in communist Albania. In some "Top Secret" documents but declassified for years, it is shown that the USSR built several important military bases, especially in the South of the country. There, the submarines that Moscow had on the island of Sazan and the Gulf of Vlora are shown in detail, as well as air bases, such as those of Rinas, Kuçova, etc. Then an overview of political developments is given, mentioning the dismissal of Defense Minister Beqir Balluku in the summer of 1974, from all functions in the army and party. Likewise, a special place in the documents that the CIA has declassified, are those that talk about Albanian political emigrants in Yugoslavia, who are included in the Prizren Committee initially headed by Apostol Tanef and under pressure from the UDB, which recruits them with coercive measures, such as returning to Albania, etc.

"Among the supporters of this movement was Enver Hoxha, who, being poor, was financially supported when he was in Paris by Said Kryeziu..."/ Secret report of the British military
"While fighting against the Germans, on the orders of Enver Hoxha, Gani Kryeziu was attacked by the 5th Brigade of M. Mufti and Sh. Peçi and by Fadil Hoxha and Pavle Jovanovic..."/ British military report
Refusal to open up to the Soviets

Tirana has forcefully reiterated its indifference to Soviet interest in diplomatic rapprochement. In an authoritative editorial in the daily “Zëri i Popullit,” it not only expressed its indifference to the USSR but also warned any member of the leadership who might be in favor of improving relations. In its politically charged comments, Tirana said that no enticements or pressures from the Soviet Union and its satellites would change its anti-Soviet stance.

The article claimed that the Albanian people were determined to make “any sacrifice, as we have done in the past, to preserve freedom and independence,” including relying on their own forces to increase economic development. The timing of this commentary is interesting, as it comes amid Moscow’s attempts to normalize relations and signals of internal challenges to Enver Hoxha’s leadership. The article warns pro-Soviet colleagues not to entertain hopes for cooperation with Moscow or face the consequences.

The article says that the suggested foreign credit policies will not cure economic problems. Former Defense Minister Beqir Balluku left office in July 1974 for favoring such positions. The comment was made on the eve of the Helsinki summit and provides a justification for Tirana’s absence from European security talks. Albania has previously described these talks as a “comic demonstration of superpowers” ​​and used the occasion to scorn the secret diplomacy of countries that “auction” national interests.

Intelligence report

November 1978
Key points: Since publicly admitting to cutting off Chinese assistance in July, Albania has pursued a foreign policy of isolation, refraining from rapprochement with its two main ideological enemies, China and the USSR. Nor has it shown signs of softening its hostility toward the United States. But Tirana has stepped up efforts launched last year to expand economic ties with select countries, both East and West.

So far, Albania has shown that it cannot find a sponsor that can provide the support previously provided by China. Albania faces a significant decline in its economic growth unless it opens up to foreign credit, for which the government must lift the constitutional ban on borrowing from abroad.

The consequences of breaking with China
Albania, as a small country with few resources, will always be dependent on trade or foreign assistance for economic development. During the two decades of alliance with China, Tirana relied almost entirely on China for economic, technological and military assistance, so the consequences of partition will be severe and are already starting to be felt.

We have seen no evidence that the Hoxha regime has sought new strategies for sourcing assistance, but it seems to have decided to continue, at least for the time being, the policy of gradually increasing ties with other countries. It is unlikely that this approach will bring the Albanians the support and industrial supplies needed to avoid disruptions in industrial production or economic collapse.

Even if the country were to experience economic difficulties, there is little likelihood of popular unrest as long as basic consumer needs are met. Hoxha maintains one of the most repressive regimes in the world, and although some Albanians have doubts about his policies of self-sufficiency, there is no evidence of serious challenges to his authority. Hoxha has publicly justified his current policies in a speech in which he distinguished between “different social regimes” that are progressive towards Albania and those that are not.

He expressed his willingness to maintain relations with the former, but stressed that Albania would not deny political or ideological differences with these regimes. Hoxha also took the opportunity to reiterate Albania's hostility to the USA, the USSR and China, vowing that Tirana would continue the fight against American imperialism and the socialist imperialism of China and the USSR, which ruled out the possibility of rapprochement between them in the near future.

Despite Albania's public rejections, Moscow and its Warsaw Pact allies continue their low-level efforts to woo Albanians. Bulgaria, which is leading the wooing offensive, has recently published several articles portraying Albania in a positive light. Official Sofia has let Tirana know that it wants good relations and cooperation.

The USSR is ahead of its Eastern European allies in wooing Albania, but it is aware that Tirana will not accept closer ties with it as long as Hoxha remains in power. The Albanian leader has given no indication that he will soften his suspicious attitude towards the Soviets and Eastern Europeans. But Moscow can still consider Albania's re-bringing into the fold in the post-Hoxha era as progress.

Yugoslavia, which demands at all costs that Albania not rejoin the Soviet orbit, has expressed its willingness to improve bilateral relations, which have been welcomed without open opposition from Tirana, although so far there have been no significant developments and none are expected in the short term.

Links to other countries
Some of Tirana's most ambitious attempts to develop trade ties, and perhaps financial or technical assistance, have been directed at India, Algeria and Japan. A visit to India by a low-level delegation in August sparked speculation that Tirana is seeking to replace China with India. Indian media reported that Albania is seeking Indian assistance in completing a long list of projects abandoned by China and speculated that Tirana could open a diplomatic mission in Delhi.

We have not seen evidence that Albania is seeking major economic and technical assistance, but we believe that by reaching out to India, as with several other countries, it is seeking to diversify its foreign trade ties, while avoiding dependence on a single partner. Albania is also seeking to expand relations with Algeria. After signing a two-year trade agreement in April, Tirana sent a high-level delegation to Algiers in September, led by the Minister of Trade.

Albania is also increasing its ties with Japan. A Japanese trade delegation visited Tirana in August, expressing interest in exploring the Albanian market by Japanese companies, who like others are looking to buy Albanian chromium or its concentrates. If Albania seeks to establish diplomatic ties with Tokyo, the latter will most likely accept.

Movements in Western Europe
Albania has attempted to expand trade ties with several Western European countries, mainly Italy, Greece and France, but these countries have not made direct commitments. The lack of reactions from these countries has led to expressions of disappointment from some officials, including the Albanian Foreign Minister. However, Albania's relations with these countries have improved compared to a year ago, especially those with Greece.

In addition to efforts to reach out to Western Europe, Albania is exploring trade opportunities in Latin America. So far, none of Albania's advances have yielded sufficient benefits to support the current level of industrial development.

October 1983
American media, “Foreign Insight”, April 1985

The Albanian diplomat responded coolly to journalists’ requests to attend the funeral of Enver Hoxha, the country’s leader for the past 41 years. “It is not in our protocol to invite Western journalists to such events,” he said.

When asked whether a foreign delegation would be allowed to accompany him to the country, he replied: “There will be no invitations for leaders from either the East or the West.” So Hoxha’s burial will be as isolated from Western curiosity as his unprecedented communist regime in the Adriatic coastal country, sandwiched between Greece and Yugoslavia.

The backward country of 2.8 million people has represented the purest political form of Stalinism, rejecting any camp, such as East, West, neutral or impartial. The question is when will Albania come out of its shell, as it has begun to create or improve ties with several Western countries, for economic reasons. Among them are ties with Austria, Italy and West Germany.

The new leader, Ramiz Alia, is committed to Hoxha's hostile policy toward the superpowers, and analysts do not expect dramatic changes. Diplomats say the West must look after Albania to avoid being lured by the Soviet Union, enough to allow the USSR to use Albanian ports. Even worse for the West would be its return to the Warsaw Pact, which it formally abandoned in 1968, after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia.

Yugoslavia is concerned about Albania's rapprochement with the Soviets because of its Albanian minority in Kosovo, where Soviet influence would make matters worse. Italy is also concerned about its geographical proximity to Albania in the Adriatic, as Russian missiles installed in Albania would be within easy striking distance. The claimant to the Albanian throne, Leka I, son of King Zog, is also concerned.

He appeared in Paris after Hoxha’s death, warning against the danger of Soviet expansion and calling on Albanian nationalists to unite “for the creation of a free nation.” Albanian diplomats in the West show no sign of rapprochement with Moscow and insist that such concerns are wasted energy. Albania has repeatedly rejected friendly overtures from the Kremlin after the collapse, which for Albanians is the center of “socialist imperialism,” as well as American “simple imperialism.”

There is always the risk that factions previously hit by the purges may seek rapprochement with Moscow, but most Western analysts believe that Moscow no longer has the strength to challenge the West. Albanians see themselves more as stoic, unyielding individuals than isolationists, and say that the decision to side with Stalin and then to break with his successors and the Warsaw Pact were simply moral stances.

This is how Albanian officials say they justified befriending Mao Zedong and then cutting ties with China when it was becoming friendly with the West, even though more than $800 million in aid was provided by Beijing over about 17 years. But behind these idealistic stances, Eastern European radicals are opening their eyes and realizing that they have been economically lagging behind for decades. When Albanian diplomats are asked why private cars are banned, they answer that the air is cleaner and that more people ride bicycles.

When warned that they will suffer from a lack of investment, they say they are lucky not to be burdened by foreign debt. And indeed, the Constitution prohibits loans from capitalists or “bourgeois and revisionist” states. Albania also prohibits political opposition, foreign travel, and religious practices. It is self-sufficient in energy, has no taxes, and no inflation.

The government also bans blue jeans, drugs, chewing gum and premarital sex. Ramiz Alia, Hoxha's 59-year-old successor, seems somewhat more pragmatic, but he has long remained loyal to the dictator in a system that has ruthlessly eliminated rivals. Rumor has it that former Prime Minister Shehu, accused of collaborating with foreign intelligence, was killed by Hoxha himself. Initially, officials said it was a suicide, but the press now accepts that he was eliminated.

Diplomats say that Hoxha had been ill for some time, and Alia began implementing some opening policies with Hoxha's approval. One of the notable changes was that Albania stopped calling China "revisionist," due to the need for spare parts for Chinese equipment and industrial projects built before the breakup of trade relations with Beijing./ Memorie.al