The CIA has shown the great role that the Soviet Union had in communist Albania. In some "Top Secret" documents but declassified for years, it is shown that the USSR built several important military bases, especially in the South of the country. There, the submarines that Moscow had on the island of Sazan and the Gulf of Vlora are shown in detail, as well as air bases, such as those of Rinas, Kuçova, etc. Then an overview of political developments is given, mentioning the dismissal of Defense Minister Beqir Balluku in the summer of 1974, from all functions in the army and party. Likewise, a special place in the documents that the CIA has declassified, are those that talk about Albanian political emigrants in Yugoslavia, who are included in the Prizren Committee initially headed by Apostol Tanef and under pressure from the UDB, which recruits them with coercive measures, such as returning to Albania, etc.

Continues from the previous issue

The King of Albania, Ahmet Zog, attempted to gain support from the Yugoslavs to overthrow the communist regime of Enver Hoxha. The CIA has declassified a 1952 document detailing a meeting held in Skopje between representatives of Zog and Tito. It details the conversation between the parties and shows how the Yugoslavs deceived them by using false identities.

October 23, 1952

Meeting between representatives of King Zog and Marshal Tito

What contacts does Zog have in the USA?

In addition to his wife's grandmother, there is also Joseph Blackburn, married to Geraldine's sister, Virginia. Church's wife is the daughter of Count Seher-Thoss, head of German intelligence during World War I. Her mother was an American who was forced to commit suicide by the Gestapo during World War II. As far as I know, Zogu has no other contacts in the US.

Does he have legal representatives in other countries?

There is a lawyer in Alexandria, but his name is unknown. Zog's documents are written to Church and then they are reviewed by the Egyptian lawyer.

Does Mr. Church's company currently have any connections to Albania? What are Zog's contacts in Albania?

Church's company has no contacts in Albania. Zogu has constant contacts with clandestine individuals in Albania. Georges Gog, who takes care of Zogu's security, comes and goes to Albania, while members of the Albanian underworld often come to Egypt.

Does the current regime have legal claims against Zog? In what amount? Is it possible that a portion of Zog's assets could be given to Albania if action is taken against him?

Of course, the current regime claims about $3 million in gold that he received, which is most likely state money. Zog claims that he is spending it on his court, but of that only $750,000 remains. No one knows the true legal or other situation.

What are Zogu's plans for the future?

Zog plans to buy a house in France next summer and return to Alexandria in the winter. He is obsessed with the idea of ​​returning to Albania, to drive the Soviets out of the country.

He is seeking military and material assistance from the US but thinks he can gather enough Arab soldiers to form an army, as he is very friendly with King Farouk of Egypt.

Church says he can control Zog, but he wants to be accompanied by a military officer of the rank of colonel or above, to talk about military matters. Zog really likes the military side.

August 21, 1950

Memorandum for the Assistant Director of Policy Coordination

The situation of resistance in Albania

From one of our missions in Albania, which is in close contact with the resistance movement, we have received the information detailed in the following paragraphs. According to our mission, many members of the Albanian resistance believe that they can no longer endure the suffering they are enduring and have decided to escape to Yugoslavia at the earliest opportunity.

They would prefer to go to Greece, were it not for the great distance from northern Albania to the Greek border. Despite all the efforts made to convince them to stay in Albania, it seems clear that they cannot survive another winter in the mountains, as life is so difficult that it is driving them crazy.

The leader of this mission wanted to know whether the Yugoslav political activists in Albania (previously reported to you) were known to us and whether they represented the Allied effort. They also asked whether anti-communist activists from Albania would be well received in Yugoslavia. In connection with Yugoslav support for the Allies, it was asked what Yugoslavia's policy was regarding Korea.

The above message informs us that Tropoja is the center of Albanian and Yugoslav espionage, with Yugoslav and Albanian agents constantly crossing the border. The Yugoslav agents are described as having all been former members of Albanian resistance groups. On August 10, 1950, our mission in the country sent a contact to investigate an invitation to meet an unidentified person who wished to supply Yugoslav arms and ammunition to the mission.

Yugoslav movements

There is a strong belief among the populations of Northern Albania that the Yugoslavs are planning an armed movement in Albania, with the aim of raising the morale of the mountain resistance groups. Some quantities of weapons are reported to have been distributed daily by the Yugoslavs, which have also been accepted by the nationalist Albanians, who have been approached with money, but have refused, awaiting approval from our mission.

The leader of the mission fears that such generosity on the part of the Yugoslavs will have the effect of winning the sympathy of many people who have suffered greatly while working for us. In conclusion, the leader of the mission said that his persuasive work would not be enough, and that he therefore needed urgent instructions on the course of action to be followed. Yugoslavia made hundreds of attempts to overthrow the regime of Enver Hoxha, but failed.

Abaz Ermen's activities in Greece

September 1950

The return to Athens from Italy of the Albanian refugee Abaz Ermenji, who a year ago had fled with the help of the British, has created an unusual uproar among the Albanian circles of Northern Epirus and other refugees in Greece. They have sought to learn the purposes of the arrival in order to oppose his plans. The Albanians received Ermenji with skepticism.

They had information that a British agent had gone to Trieste in 1949 to sign a cooperation agreement with a representative of Tito, Kasanovic, for the subordination of Albania to Tito's influence, which is why he and the Balli Kombëtar were turning away from Titoism. This was not received with enthusiasm by the Albanians.

Among those with whom Ermenji had been in constant contact were Luan Gashi, Muharrem Bajraktari, Ibrahim Kelmendi and Ejup Binjaku. Ermenji said that he had come to Greece on the orders of the Anglo-Americans. When the Albanians replied that the British and Americans were not in agreement on the Albanian problem, Ermenji assured them that he was acting on the orders of both allies, the British and the Americans, and that they had agreed with each other.

He further declared that there is no question of Northern Epirus for Greece, and that it must accept the borders of 1939. Ermenji did not reveal the true purpose of his arrival in Athens, or if he did, he did so only to a close circle, who have not yet spread it. Four days after Ermenji's arrival in Athens, a letter from the Albanian refugee Islamil Vërlaci arrived at Evangelos Kirkos.

The letter reported that the reason for Ermenji's arrival in Athens was the organization of Tito cells in Greece, which would pass on propaganda to Albania, declaring that Tito would be the only liberator of Albania from Hoxha's dictatorship, therefore Albanians should support his effort. Verlaci also wrote that Ermenji belonged to the left wing of the National Front and that Ali Këlcyra could cause discord in the National Front, in order to fight against the Titoist Albanians.

Vërlaci recommended action against Ermenji's activities. Birkos immediately passed the letter on to the Greek authorities and consequently to the other Albanian refugees. Therefore, they avoided further contact with Ermenji, except for the names mentioned above. At the same time, the refugees began to organize their own opposition.

The refugees of the Lavrion camp made preparations to show their opposition to Ermenji, in case he came to visit. But Ermenji must have either learned of this, or was not allowed by the Greek authorities since he did not come to the Lavrion camp, but stayed at the Bristol Hotel, throughout his stay in Athens.

crash

The arrival of Ermeni and Verlaci's report that he had returned from Titoism fueled the growth of a strong anti-Yugoslav sentiment among Albanian refugees in Greece. Among some foreign demonstrators, there was the confrontation of Albanian General Prenk Previzi, who called Ermeni a "traitor". But a parallel development was provoked by Ermeni also among the Northern Epirotes, who are largely anti-Slavic.

When Vërlac's letter became known, they all united against Ermenji and denounced him to the Greek authorities. However, some of them, including Papadimas, visited Ermenji and spoke with him. Ermenji informed Papadimas that he was acting on instructions from the British and Americans. According to our source, Papadimas reached some kind of agreement with Ermenji, but it was not clear what happened.

In 1946, Ermenji submitted a memorandum to the Greek authorities, believed to be in support of the unification of Greece and Albania into one state. Birkos had already shown the Albanians and the Northern Epirotes a copy of Ermenji's memorandum, which the latter had hidden from them. Considering his statement that Greece should accept the Albanian borders of 1939, this revealed Ermenji as a treacherous man and inconsistent in his beliefs.

This was also the reason why Ermenji did not receive the warm welcome he had hoped for from the refugees. At the time of Ermenji's visit to Athens, the Albanian political divisions were as follows: 60 Kosovars led by Xhafer Deva, 45 Zogists led by Spahi Dino, 18 Ballists led by Ali Këlcyra, 7 Ballists following Ermenji, 23 independent supporters of Vërlac, and 35 others.

Ermeni told an acquaintance that he still held the opinion that Albania and Greece should unite into one state, and that he had not changed his mind since the memorandum he had sent to the Greek government in 1946. He said that the Greek government should appoint a representative to handle the issue responsibly, and that Greek anti-Slavic propaganda should stop. Ermeni always evaded questions about the purpose of his visit to Athens.

To indirect references to Tito and the possibility of his overthrow of the Hoxha government, Ermenji replied that Tito did not have many supporters in Albania and that it was very difficult for the people to be incited against the Hoxha regime. When the fact was mentioned that Tito was also a communist and that anyone who collaborated with the communists suffered the fate of Petkov and others, Ermenji did not respond./ Memorie.al