That the political situation is honorable is a perception that has long occupied the general public, especially since the arrest of Erjon Veliaj in February 2025. It was at that time that this situation gave the first signs of the complicated relationship between the majority and the judicial system under the umbrella of the Xhafa Commission, which was not understood if it ever met and for what it met. But from time to time, either the commission or Xhafa himself, raise their heads in public, waving through soft threats a draft of constitutional amendments regarding the constitutional and legal architecture of justice. Precisely to the only opposition to the government, which from being a defender and executor of popular sovereignty has transformed into an anti-legal monster. The only opposition because the political opposition since 2017 has left nothing undone to lose the elections at all costs. A self-destructive trap in which even the new parties drowned, which through non-unification, left a dozen parliamentary mandates on the streets, which the SP consequently took to the table.

To be fair, this journey of the winner Rama over the losers he has faced both in the SP and in the opposition, is a very dubious journey started at the beginning of time. The day he set foot in Albania again as Minister of Culture in the distant year 1998. There have been quite a few socialists and former democrats who are now his partners, who have accused him of clientelism and suspected corruption in the function of his power. And they were most likely right, seeing how today's governance has degenerated, while the dividing line between greed, crime and government has become so thin that no one can see it. Not even SPAK itself! But this can be considered a 27-year reality accepted by everyone, as long as the events have occurred in a weak and unstable post-communist institutional environment or, better said, transitional. But the transition is called this precisely because of its very temporary nature, a time between two eras. Meanwhile, since 2016, something has moved despite the inertia that comes from the resistance of the transition itself. Even Albanian society, but mainly Albania's benevolent foreign partners from Washington to Brussels, have understood that this era must end. And it is precisely the Justice Reform that, despite its sins, carelessness or worse yet irresponsibility, has created huge gaps in the system, which has produced a murderous mechanism for the corrupt and criminalized transition. SPAK and GJKKO that are "unfolding" many men and women of politics and organized crime who until recently felt like Gods on earth.

Well, Rama, as the chief politician or "transitional political animal" who stands at the top of the "food chain" both out of fear and power, has undertaken to stand up to SPAK under the motto "either us or you". So either the final degeneration of governance, politics and institutions, or we will have a moral and social regeneration of the country through the establishment of the rule of law. A kind of life-or-death challenge between the transition establishment and the majority of society and internationals who have massively aligned themselves with the law. This battle started by Berisha, whose hands are tied by being in the opposition, is now unfolding quite openly under the responsibility of Rama, the leader of the government and the majority at the same time. Veliaj's political tutor, Beqe's friend, Meta's partner and half of Balluk. And it is precisely the indictment of the deputy prime minister that has exposed the sporadic and hidden resistance of the beginning of the year. past, exposing Rama himself in this battle that is both immoral and anti-democratic. The latest attempt made public yesterday that, through the phantom Xhafa commission, is aiming to put SPAK under pressure, is the clearest example of the government-SPAK antagonism.

Meanwhile, Rama, through aggressive rhetoric, opposition in the Constitutional Court or Peleshi's delay of SPAK's request to lift Balluk's immunity, is attempting to act in a very critical diplomatic context. This delicate moment of Rama's transformation from a supporter of justice into its public enemy is being brought to life in the context of several events in a diplomatic or semi-diplomatic and semi-economic context, such as the case of the investment commitment in Sazan and Zvërnec. And to continue with the pomp of selling the invitation that came to Albania in the "Peace Board for Gaza" right in the Prime Minister's office, and up to the visit to Israel, it is implied that the Prime Minister is regaining ground against international pressure that pushes SPAK to continue the strong fight against corruption and organized crime. And if his diplomatic meetings or semi-meetings constitute some small victories in the eyes of the public, what stands out is the determination of high-ranking representatives of Western states in support of SPAK. And these represent institutions, not individuals. Official positions, not lobbyists. Foreign ministries and law enforcement agencies, not former politicians trafficking personal influence from London to the USA!

But what are the chances of the trajectories of these two lines that sometimes seem to intersect and sometimes parallel? If we return to the way Rama's career has progressed since 1999, one is convinced that he will defeat justice and continue to prolong the transition indefinitely. With or without Sali Berisha. But if you know how the great democratic states function, mainly the USA, the United Kingdom or Germany and the European Union, which have openly expressed their support for SPAK, the optimism in favor of Rama immediately turns into pessimism and the death of hope that this time there will be another time. After all, lobbying or clientelism can work in certain circumstances with certain politicians, but not indefinitely. And the question that arises is: "can the West be bought"? Most likely not! This answer is best provided by several episodes of the last few days, from the breathless speech in the Assembly a week ago, the absence from the Davos Forum the next day, to the pathos of the "Zionist Rama, Alex's close friend" who finances pro-Palestinian associations in every Western capital. Therefore, our priest who jumps out of trouble, regardless of any victory of the day, knows himself that the great war has many losers.

One thing is certain. Everything will be clarified after the Constitutional Court's decision on whether or not to suspend Balluk. Precedents have shown that the more the majority resists the law, the stronger the response of justice has been. This will be the moment when we understand that in the West there are individuals who are bought and sold, but institutions are not put up for sale.

As Ngjela humorously points out at the tables, "everything that money can't buy, you can buy with a lot of money," this remains nothing more than a humorous fable for the provincial tables of Tirana, and not a Western political reality. Otherwise, the USA and Europe would be piles of tents in the desert, not fortresses of democracy that are at least 300 years old!