Probably no one else has been as clear on the path to power as Edi Rama. Only Ahmet Zogu, Enver Hoxha, and Sali Berisha constitute the other unholy trinity of Albanians with this kind of obsession, delusion, and such a great vice towards power in post-independence Albania.

As different as they are similar in their biographies, their commonalities mark extreme narcissism, deep egoism, dark charisma, supercontrol over other centers of power, inevitable paranoia and lack of empathy. And above all, they have shared between them, endless loneliness. In the epilogue of their careers they have been completely alone. Without ideological friends, but with a layer of empty-headed servility, abandoned by old friends and in the company of the wrong friends.

All four shared a conviction of personal greatness and the belief that they were misunderstood geniuses. All four felt sincere regret for Albania's modest borders, which they judged to be like a jacket that fit too tightly around their shoulders.

They have been, some more and some less, very strong individuals and in front of them, society and Albania were sometimes ridiculous kingdoms, sometimes cruel dictatorships and sometimes hybrid democracies. Depending on the time, society and Albania turned into a chess game for them, a battlefield, a map that was divided, private property and accounts or even a canvas where they wanted to draw and impose only their personal will.

They have regularly used each other as in a game of dominoes that knock each other down. Except for Zog, who complained about his successor, everyone else has blamed their predecessors for their failures. Hoxha crucified Zog, Berisha cursed Hoxha, while Rama is still convinced that Saliu is to blame. The result has been the same: the radicalization of society and the creation of two camps that were more enemies than opponents.

One cannot understand the portrait of one without noticing the features of the other, one cannot explain the actions of one of them without analyzing the actions of the other, in a place where the entire society has also been culturally, emotionally, and structurally a client of one's homeland, tribe, and leader.

All four believed that the homeland was perfect as long as they were its leaders. Even that it existed only in this circumstance. All four were sincerely convinced that behind their backs, only the Qameti entered the door. Ironically, this is what actually happened. The Qameti with the portrait of the occupation came after Zog's departure, the deep upheaval that was slightly delayed by Hoxha's death, the almost civil war after the departure of the first Berisha and the political, institutional, moral and then the economic crisis that they would host as if in their own home, after Rama's supposed departure.

The history of the future must be read in what the past has written before. And the past proves that none of the 34 or 35 leaders of the Albanian state have had a happy and peaceful end. They have either escaped from the bullet, or have been locked in a cell, or have escaped, or have seen after death the destruction of their families.

A politician is remembered little for how they came to power and how they administered it. They are remembered mostly for the epilogue they give to their power.

Few people remember Zog's efforts as a reformer in a country just emerging from the Middle Ages, his efforts to modernize the country and his attempts to ensure unity in a deeply divided and terribly poor country. The former king of the Albanians is remembered only for his escape without personal resistance a few hours before the invasion of the country by fascist Italy.

The correct orientation of the Albanian communists on the right side of history in World War II with the anti-fascist allies, the extraordinary development of the country in the first years after liberation or the attempts to modernize it by Hoxha, all were lost in the face of the extreme criminalization of his criminal power, the terrible class struggle, the terrible poverty and the total isolation of the country. The guaranteed stability of the country in that period was proven to be an artificial creation by the total lack of democratic standards. Hoxha died in peace, but his ghost has undoubtedly seen the imprisonment of his wife and son and the other nightmares of his family and followers.

If Berisha had maintained his status as a fugitive in 2013 and marked his irreversible epilogue there, he would certainly not have experienced his imprisonment in Mrs. Liri's salon and the shameful parade of being forced to appear before the justice structures.

Rama is in the final minutes to decide what he will do with his future. The presidency as a personal retreat that his friends and enemies hoped for is now an unrealistic possibility. The dilemma without solution between the end of power that the crowd takes before him and power as an endless horror that is in office, but does not govern, is his exclusive choice and solution. He has no one by his side to help him. He has chosen the personal loneliness of power, the darkness of which makes him not recognize and remember well the endless portraits that helped him with his soul to come to power and that he abandoned in his good days; that he turned into enemies, who watched with despair as he recruited new friends from the ranks of old enemies. And as he proclaimed himself king without a crown in the courtyard of his personal ZeqiLand. Now with angry protesters inside his courtyard.