Analyst Mentor Nazarko has described as unpredictable and unprecedented the fact that the Democratic Party will hold two Assemblies, the one called by Berisha on December 11 and the one by the president, Lulzim Basha, on December 18.

Invited to the 'Opinion' column in 'News24' Nazarko commented on the developments, while also revealing several scenarios that, according to him, cannot be ruled out as possible.

How do you see the debate in the Democratic Party and yesterday's developments?
It was unpredictable. To make good predictions, you have to build a prognosis based on precedents. What happens before we forget about this development was unprecedented. So there is a lack of a premise that could make a good prediction, precedents did not exist. I expected that there would be a legal battle earlier. But what Basha did is an act of power. He says; 'I am not afraid of the Assembly,' but the second conclusion is; 'I am the legitimate authority and when to call the Assembly' - I decide. This form used by Berisha is not a legitimate call to the Assembly.' Basha therefore seeks to cultivate the narrative that he is focused on the partial elections that are expected to be announced after the Constitutional Court decides whether or not to dismiss President Ilir Meta. Meanwhile, according to him (Basha), Berisha is focused on challenging this authority. Such a view has led us to conclude that another date for the Assembly will be December 18, called by the legitimate president, who heads the party leadership (Basha). It is an absurd situation to call the Assembly twice. I imagine that this act of power or declared as such by Basha must have provoked something serious on the other side, as there was a strong reaction (from Berisha). There was a threat of a peaceful revolution that would affect Rama and Basha.

Meanwhile, to the question of whether; "Did the parties have an intermediate path to realize this assembly together?", Nazarko replied that; "I think what Mr. Paloka proposes is a reasonable solution, despite the fact that he sides with Berisha. In terms of acts, he is not demonstrating this alignment. He is trying to maintain an independent stance. It would be a reasonable action.
We have no precedent for this happening, it just happens. Because it has never happened. This is not even clear in the statute – the calling of the Assembly by the membership, by ¼ of it. This is because it is not known to whom those signatures will be submitted, etc., or how we can decide the members ourselves. This is an absurd situation that one of our colleagues usually calls these political actions; maneuvers in the dark. Maneuvers without result. However, Basha's action may have another meaning, synthetically. One element to consider is the agenda, where the Assembly called by Basha is focused on elections, while Berisha talks about returning democracy to the party. Basha seeks to consolidate this conviction among his own electorate and to use that potential of being a chairman, among the branch chairmen. He is the man who has the power to choose the candidates as mayors and municipal councils for these 6 municipalities where there will be partial elections. What Basha did has another meaning, that of a challenge: 'I have the ball and if you are against this action, choose the judicial path'”.

What does Berisha do in this case?
All Basha's effort, if we can synthesize it. I presented to you some immediate effects of Basha's action, which lead to the cultivation of this narrative that; Berisha is a saboteur of the DP's victory, so I am making an 'act of power', 'I am not afraid of the Assembly'. But there is another implicit dimension, which invites Berisha to choose a destructive path. He is a proven expert in the history of pluralism, to take actions of force, political violence or to attack the party with squadrons of loyalists. Or why not - to choose the judicial path. I believe that Basha intends to take Berisha to court to complain, or to encourage him to take actions that could stain him in the eyes of the international community. Therefore, Berisha's reaction was nervous after the forum was called on December 18.
All this that is happening has notes of absurdity, but Berisha and Basha, who know these techniques of control over the party masses, know what they are doing. From the outside we can say that everything is absurd. If we are to put spotlights, maximum attention on these small phenomena, the Presidency meeting yesterday lasted 6 hours. This means that this party manages to manage these frictions, to coexist with these factions.

What I said today is a difficult exercise to find significant elements of an intra-party development. But this development will determine the type of opposition we will have. What is important is that in the context of considering the invitation for Albania and North Macedonia, in the next European Council, Albania needs to show a good face, normal coexistence of the government with the opposition. That Albania produces crises and is itself dissolving them. The idea of ​​a peaceful revolution ruins this image of European Albania.

It also plays with the timing of when the peaceful revolution will begin...
Berisha is known for using absolute superiority, so; 'After the declaration of pluralism, Foltorja is the most important development'; "we will make the most peaceful revolution, in the Balkans; etc. etc. I do not believe that Berisha will follow the path of force, but he threatens. I am noticing that Basha, after his initial retreat, his lack of reaction to Berisha's attacks, has started to play in the first person. Duma and Gjekmarkaj have started to speak. This situation puts Berisha himself in difficulty.
Basha has control over the leadership, apparently in the leadership, and he has support... Will he maintain this influence?
I believe so. That vote yesterday showed that the balance of power in the highest structures is in favor of Basha. He is helped a little by those visible and invisible displays of American support. He has an advantage and the fact that he appears in parliament, since Berisha has lost this momentary advantage. He speaks only on the podium. The support of the deputies for Berisha on the podium is pragmatic. They are not showing that they have been able to oppose Basha on any topic. These are some developments that, especially the clash in parliament, put Berisha at a propaganda disadvantage. The podium is the only informal parallel 'institution' that Berisha is displaying, what is the rhetorical political protagonism in these conditions that Albania finds itself in.

During the electoral campaign, the most used binomial by Rama was Berisha-Meta. Depending on the Constitutional Court's decision, will Meta also come into play?
I think that Meta, also because of the developments, will be placed in a coalition with that part of the DP led by Berisha. This favors Rama. The version that Basha remains at the head of the DP is not that it scares Rama. The fact is that Rama won the elections, even among many variables, showing that Basha's victory would mean recycling Berisha and Meta in power. I do not think that the return of this duo could destabilize the country and endanger the SP in power. I am for the affirmation of new forces, young individuals in politics, because this is a safe future for which there is proof of success in the Balkans. There is proof in Kosovo, Bulgaria. There is no reason why it should not happen in Albania. In Bulgaria, a pair of Harvard students won. They managed to win the elections. In addition to having party names like; 'A Different Bulgaria', politics there shows maturity in the way political crises are managed. Even the developments in Kosovo are a clear indicator that the future belongs to the young. From the Basha-Berisha clash, I would prefer a third person to be the winner, although there is a new scenario where Berisha will withdraw at the last moment and promote a new figure, but let's not rush.
Kosovo showed that the young are challenging the old, despite their lack of experience. It is a trend that I believe Albania will join.

How would you view what happened in Kosovo? Was it a major reversal of Vetëvendosje, or were they local elections that didn't seem to compare to the general elections? How should they be viewed?
These were elections with a significant message for Mr. Kurti. He personalized the campaign, so this result is attributed to him. It must be said that other political forces were together, but they were also together in the February elections. They tried to affirm new figures. We know that family ties also determine victory in the local elections of Kosovo.

But there is a personalized message: Kurti's policy, clashes with Albania, with the West, with the US - perhaps not as visible as in Trump's last mandate -; The confrontational approach with Serbia without consulting NATO and the US on the issue of the north, are not liked by the electorate. But this does not mean that the downward trend will continue. The DP won the 92 elections and then lost the July 92 elections and then still lost the 94 referendum. Then it was strengthened through a promotional legislation, which increased its influence on the territory, favoritism, pyramids, control over the security organs, the economy, etc. Kosovo is an interesting reality. The elections showed popular and party maturity. I believe that Kurti has understood the lessons. The dismissal of Minister Vitia, who received fewer votes than the party, and his replacement with Thaçi's former advisor, a high-profile doctor, I believe was a wise move by Kurti, after the wise lessons that these results gave Kurti.