The convincing victory of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in regional elections in Saxony-Anhalt has caused echoes beyond Germany's borders, bringing concerns about the rise of populist and nationalist forces back to the center of the European debate.

The result in this eastern German state is seen by analysts as another indicator of the strengthening of the far right in Europe, at a time when in some of the continent's largest countries, parties of this wing are gaining more and more support.

Despite the strong result, the AfD has not secured an absolute majority and, for the time being, is not expected to be able to form a government. Other German parties have ruled out cooperation with it, maintaining a so-called "cordon sanitaire" against the far right.

Rising prices, economic problems, unemployment and dissatisfaction with immigration policies have helped the AfD expand its electoral base.

In Saxony-Anhalt, the far-right party received more than double the votes of Chancellor Friedrich Merz's CDU. However, the result does not give the AfD the chance to govern alone.

The situation also poses a significant problem for Chancellor Merz. The result could increase pressure within the CDU, while the debate over the government's ability to cope with Germany's economic and political problems is expected to intensify.

Analysts warn that a politically weakened Germany could also have consequences for the European Union, given that Berlin has a key role in directing and coordinating European policies.

Concern about the rise of the far right is not limited to Germany.

In France, attention is focused on next spring's presidential elections, where Marine Le Pen and the National Rally aim to make a decisive move to power.

According to the analyses cited in the material, Le Pen leads convincingly in the polls for the first round, while some projections suggest that she may be able to compete seriously in the second round.

A victory for her would constitute a tremendous change for France and the European Union, given Paris's political and economic weight, but also its role as one of the EU's founding countries and as a nuclear power.

For decades, traditional center-right parties in Germany and France have refused to cooperate with far-right forces to form governments.

But recent results have raised questions about whether this stance can continue to hold if populist parties continue to significantly increase their share of the vote.

According to analysts, such a change would constitute a strong blow to the political barrier that has been erected in Europe after World War II to prevent the return of extremist forces to government.

In Spain, the far-right Vox party is being seen as an actor that could play a decisive role in forming the next government.

Pedro Sánchez's socialist government has faced corruption allegations and scandals, while the immigration issue has added to political pressure.

A strong Vox result could force the traditional right to cooperate with it to secure a parliamentary majority, bringing the far right closer to central power.

Italy, model by Giorgia Meloni

Another important example comes from Italy, where Giorgia Meloni has managed to consolidate her government despite her party's neo-fascist roots.

Meloni has softened his rhetoric on some key issues, particularly in relation to the European Union and Ukraine, aiming to present himself as a stable leader on the European stage.

Her government has achieved one of the longest uninterrupted mandates in the history of the Italian Republic and Meloni is considered to have good chances of seeking another term.

However, the emergence of even more right-wing forces has forced him to toughen his stance on immigration, showing that competition within the populist camp could further shift the political discourse to the right.

Even in Britain, the rise of Reform UK has shaken traditional politics.

Nigel Farage's party had gained significant ground by capitalizing on voters' dissatisfaction with the economy, immigration and traditional parties.

However, a series of financial scandals and divisions within the right-wing forces have weakened its momentum. Another figure who has left the party, Rupert Lowe, has created an even more right-wing force, increasing competition for the same electorate.

This situation has led some analysts to estimate that Farage may have difficulty converting electoral support into a sufficient majority to form a government.

Hungary shows that the far right can be defeated

Meanwhile, Hungary offers an example in the opposite direction.

In April, Viktor Orbán lost power after 16 years in power. His fall came amid growing public discontent over corruption, the economy and ongoing clashes with the European Union.

Fidesz's loss was interpreted as a signal that even populist and nationalist parties can become vulnerable when they lose support due to economic and governance problems.

Analysts warn that the AfD's success could serve as a model for other far-right parties in Europe, especially at a time when voters are concerned about the cost of living, immigration and the state of the economy.

However, the ability of these parties to win elections will not necessarily equate to their ability to govern. The key question will be whether they will succeed in transforming populist rhetoric into policies that work in practice.

At this point, the upcoming elections in France, Spain and Italy are expected to be particularly important.

If centrist parties fail to address economic concerns, immigration, and the crisis of trust in institutions, the space for the far right could expand even further.

The AfD's victory in Saxony-Anhalt has not given it power in Germany, but it has sent a strong signal across Europe: political barriers to the far right are facing the greatest pressure in decades.

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