In the summer of 2013, the Democratic Party had just concluded its second cycle of government. If the first time it left power at great cost to itself and the country due to the oppression of May 26, 28 and the pyramids, the second time its departure was natural.

It is understood that corruption and especially the January 21st of Gërdeci created a quagmire and a rift in the government and around it, but in any case, if the SMI had not withdrawn from the coalition, the DP could still have remained in power. But the time demanded change, regardless of the balance of a government that listed many successes. But as they say from Shkodra "no one forgets the bad, but the good".

The DP government left a mixed legacy between clientelism, reforms, corruption and development. A tendency that with the coming of the SP to power should have changed for the better if you read Kurban and the program of Rilindja version 2.0. And while the first one started with the Qiriazi Sisters, the second one is closing with friend Zeqine! That is enough to understand that Rilindja was a joke without salt that had nothing to be reborn after 11 years at the head of the Tirana municipality of the mysterious 20%, as one of his current collaborators accused him at the time. It was well known what history he had on his shoulders.

But in any case, the vows to eradicate corruption, legalization and free healthcare, the closure of Lazarat and various bombastic promises created the idea that the Messiah had fallen to earth, and salvation was possible. But like all the "saviors" of history, the one in the Albanian version also degraded into charlatanism. From what was said to what was done, legalization and free healthcare are now a forgotten joke, Lazarat was transformed into the entire cannabis-infused Albania, and the corruption of the DP government seems like a beautiful vision compared to what our eyes are seeing in the files investigated by SPAK or denounced by the opposition and the media.

But what is even more striking is the democratic standard that brings out the baggage of the first DP, from 1996-1997. When you see how 15 police officers go to beat MP Nallbati like mad or how yesterday in Durres Rama ordered the police to arrest the citizen who was protesting in front of the municipality because he mentioned Agas, you remember with nostalgia the deeds of Gazidede and Shehu on the distant May 28, 1996. Not in terms of size, but in terms of phenomenon. While back then people were beaten because there were no free elections, today they are beaten and arrested because they accuse the government of corruption and property theft.

From autocrat to kleptocrat, this was the progression from the first Berisha to the first Rama. This does not honor the painter, the publicist, or the renaissance man Edi Rama at all. On the contrary, it would be good for him to retreat for a while somewhere and realize that the situation has gotten out of hand. But apparently the weight of his sins does not allow him to reflect, much less turn back. Not in time, but in actions and intentions. But apparently it is too late, too late!

But among all the signs of the "end of the Renaissance", the strongest and most decisive is perhaps international isolation. Despite Rama's efforts to trade Sazan and Zvërnec in exchange for rehabilitating relations with the US, with which there has been no contact since Anthony Blinken's visit two years ago, it seems that nothing is changing. Even the chances are that Rama will continue with his acrobatics, both in Vlora and Qatar, and from Tel Aviv to the United Arab Emirates, without any results. Even the invitation to the Gaza Peace Board, which we do not know whether it will work or not, he really sold as personal, but in the meantime it came to him because of his function. What dampened his enthusiasm even more, reminding him that diplomacy with a few land certificates and a building permit may be valid for Albanian oil or supermarket bosses, but not for the largest country in the world. Someone has misinformed him that he can buy and sell American institutions like the mandates of deputies in Elbasan or Durrës. But that is not the case. And this can be told better than anyone by his cronies at the head of the DP, who are only making their first trip to Washington in their dreams. In reality, they only come from the boulevard to the DP, and from the Parliament to SPAK.

But the powerlessness to get out of the international impasse that has caught him through his own fault does not end here. Because Rama forgets that the West ends in the USA but begins in Europe. In Europe that reminds him every week that the road to Brussels is passing more and more through the Mandates Committee in the Assembly, where he must surrender the immunity of the Deputy Prime Minister. There is no middle ground! Either with SPAK and the Europe of the USA, or with Balluk in the deserts of the Middle East.

This is the panorama of the victory of May 11. A triumph without glory, a Pyrrhic victory. And to say that he was not prepared is difficult, since he emerged from the last elections with a gloomy face and a gloomy mood, which led him to vent his anger and frustration on the highlanders of Theth at the beginning of the summer.

The isolation of Rilindja is now a fact that is both internal and external. Because internally, Rilindja is truly the leftist clan that is governing the country, but we do not yet know what the reaction of the Socialist Party will be in the first test of fire in parliament or beyond. This is because most likely, the PS is still bigger than Rilindja. And for this, it is enough to remember the miserable participation in the November 9 elections, where the black face was saved only by the electoral catastrophe of the DP. As is usually said about governments in Albania, "one mandate is not enough, two are too many". And as a result, the fourth mandate has turned into a horror, but not endless. And the end seems very close.